The second, whose Name was Peter de Groot, made himself illustrious by his Embassies. He was sent Embassador to the Northern Crowns in the Year When the War was kindled , he returned into his Country, and was deprived of his Office of Pensionary at Rotterdam, which he had enjoyed ever since his Return from his Embassy into Sweden: He was deprived of it during the Popular Tumults, which occasioned so many Alterations in the Towns of Holland. He retired to Antwerp, and then to Cologne, whilst the Peace was treating there, and  acted for the Good of his Country as much as ever he could; and yet when he returned into Holland he was accused of a State Crime; the Cause was tried and he was acquitted: He retired into a Country-House, where he died at 70 Years of Age.
The Result of which is, that those who say he died a Socinian, would be too gently used if they were only told, that they are guilty of a rash Judgment; they are Persons prejudiced against the Character of this Great Man, and therefore very unworthy of our Belief. Arnauld; and since the Accuser made no Reply to it, it is a plain Sign he has been convicted of Calumny. Arnauld says of him; it is true, he slanders every Body in that Book, and the manifest Lies that are in it, ought to make one disbelieve every thing else; but because some are so weak, as to be imposed upon by his bold way of speaking, because some of those to whom you shew my Letters, entertain an ill Opinion of GROTIUS upon that Account, you will give me leave to undeceive them.
Perhaps they will not be displeased to find an Author, for whom they have so great an Esteem, guilty of the most horrid Calumny that ever was; this will teach them, that one ought to suspect those who appear so zealous for Truth, and that sometimes a prodigious Malice and Detraction are concealed under the zealous Pretence of defending the Church of God. Afterwards the Apologist examines the four Accusations one after another; I shall not dwell on what [vi] he says upon the first Head, viz.
Mark and St. John which I have mentioned to you, and if they do not say that it is an abominable Calumny, I am willing to be accounted a most wicked Calumniator. Arnauld says  something that is injurious to the Reformed, the Author of the Libel exclaims violently against him, and Mr. Arnauld is then an unsincere Man, an unfair Accuser, an Infamous Calumniator; but when he says something that may serve this Satyrical Writer to inveigh against those whom he hates, every thing is then right, it serves him to fill up his Page, and to prevent his being placed among the little Authors.
I must not forget that Mr. Whereupon the Apologist says, that Mr. Arnauld and the Author of the Libel do wrongly fancy, that a Man has no Religion when he joins with none of the Factions that condemn Mankind, and each of which pretends to be the only Church of Christ. Arnauld, since he published another Book, wherein he shews that all those who believe the Fundamental Points, belong to the true Church, whatever Sect they may be of. We suppose that what has been delivered may be of sufficient Force to overthrow the Calumnies that have been raised against our Author, in respect to his Principles in Religion; we shall now take a short Survey of the most eminent Books that were published from him.
And therefore beginning with a Panegyrick upon my own Nation, which infinitely excels all others in this Art; I encouraged them, that they would improve their Art, not only for their Benefit and Gain, but that they would regard it as the Mercy of Heaven, and use it for the propagating of the Christian Religion. It is an Excellent Work, and the Notes upon it are very learned.
It was translated into English, French, Dutch, German, Greek, Persian, and  Arabick; but we do not know whether all those Translations have been published; the Greek was not printed in the Year In the Year , an Englishman, who had translated that Book into Arabick, was desirous his Translation should be printed in England. There came a very learned Englishman to me within these few Days, says he, who lived a long time in the Turkish Dominions, and translated my Book of the Truth of the Christian Religion into Arabick, and will endeavour, if he can, to have it published in England: He thinks no Book more profitable, either to instruct the Christians of those Parts, or to convert the Mahometans that are in the Turkish, Persian, Tartarian, Punic, or Indian Empire.
That Translation made by the famous Dr. Edward Pocock, was printed at London in the Year It is divided into Annals and History, the Annals comprehend five Books; the History contains eighteen, and begins in the Year Casaubon, who had read something of it in the Year , speaks well of it in a Letter written from London to Thuanus. The more a History deserves to be read by reason of the Events contained in it, the more it deserves to be of a general Use; the Authority of the Ancients who neglected the Clearness of the Style, cannot justify the Moderns, who have imitated them contrary to the Reasons I have mentioned, or rather contrary to good Sense.
There is nothing in Tacitus that less deserves to be imitated, than his too concise, and consequently obscure Style; I am sorry GROTIUS was one of those who did not avoid it, it makes the Translation of his Writings more difficult, and his Thoughts more obscure. He himself says so, in a Letter he writ to him, when he presented him with the Copy of that Work.
Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, did so highly value that Book, that he thought fit it should serve as a Text to the Doctrine concerning the Right of Nature, and the Law of Nations, and in order to teach it he appointed M. It came out at last, cum Notis Variorum, by which means our Author, within 50 Years after his Death, obtained an Honour, which was not bestowed upon the Ancients till after many Ages. Thus have we given the History of this great Man, taken from the best Accounts that have contributed to derive his Memory to our Times; but as an Improvement of his Character receive the Testimony of Salmasius, one of his Enemies, in a Letter to him, You have laid but a small Obligation upon the Cardinals, and upon myself likewise, by bestowing a Title upon me, which is peculiar to the most eminent GROTIUS; for why should I not call him so, whom I had rather resemble, than enjoy the Wealth, the Purple, and Grandeur of the Sacred College?
David J. Campbell, A. Hil l New York: M. Walter Dunne, The Work and Influence of Hugo Grotius. His work is marked by frequent rhetorical deformities, tedious and involved forms of reasoning, and perplexing obscurities of phraseology which prevent its acceptance as an example of elegant writing. Notwithstanding these external defects, it is, nevertheless, one of the few notable works of genius which, among the labors of centuries, stand forth as illustrations of human progress and constitute the precious heritage of the human race.
If it is not literature in the technical sense, the masterpiece of Grotius is something higher and nobler,—a triumph of intelligence over irrational impulses and barbarous propensities. Its publication marks an era in the history of nations, for out of the chaos of lawless and unreasoning strife it created a system of illuminating principles to light the way of sovereigns and peoples in the paths of peace and general concord. The idea of peaceful equity among nations, now accepted as a human ideal, though still far from realization, was for ages a difficult, if not an impossible, conception.
All experience spoke against it, for war was the most familiar phenomenon of history. Among the Greek city-states, a few temporary leagues and federations were attempted, but so feeble were the bonds of peace, so explosive were the passions which led to war, that even among the highly civilized Hellenic peoples, community of race, language, and religion was powerless to create a Greek nation. It was reserved for the military genius of Alexander the Great, at last, by irresistible conquest, to bring the Greek Empire into being, to be destroyed in turn by superior force.
The Roman Empire almost achieved the complete political unity of Europe, and bound parts of three continents under one rule, but the corruption of the military power which held it together led to its inevitable dismemberment. After the conflicts of the barbaric kingdoms which followed the dissolution of the Western Empire were ended by the predominance of the Frankish monarchy, the world believed that the Pax Roman was to be restored in Europe by the hand of Charles the Great; but the disruptive forces were destined to prevail once more, and the Holy Roman Empire never succeeded in reviving the power of ancient Rome.
And thus the dream of a universal monarchy, of a central authority able to preside over kings and princes, adjusting their difficulties, and preserving the peace between them, was at last proved futile. In each of the great national monarchies that had already risen or were still rising on the ruins of imperial dominion, particularly in France, England, Holland, and the States of Germany, a continuous internal conflict over questions of religion complicated the bitterness and destructiveness of foreign wars until Europe was reorganized by the Peace of Westphalia, in It was in the midst of these wars that Grotius was born.
The Empire, dismembered, had been reduced to almost complete impotence, the Church had been disrupted, and no international authority was anywhere visible. Amid the general wreck of institutions Grotius sought for light and guidance in great principles. Looking about him at the general havoc which war had made, the nations hostile, the faith of ages shattered, the passions of men destroying the commonwealths which nourished them, he saw that Europe possessed but one common bond, one vestige of its former unity,— the human mind.
To this he made appeal and upon its deepest convictions he sought to plant the Law of Nations. It is historically accurate to say, that, until formulated by Grotius, Europe possessed no system of international law. Others had preceded him in touching upon certain aspects of the rights and duties of nations, but none had produced a system comparable to his. It was in the cradle of commerce, therefore, that international law awoke to consciousness. As the Church was often intrusted with the task of pacification, it is but natural to look among her representatives for the earliest writers on the laws of international relations.
It is, in fact, among the theological moralists that we find the first students of this subject. As early as , a Spanish theologian, Vasquez, conceived of a group of free states with reciprocal rights regulated by jus naturale et gentium, without regard to a world-power, either imperial or ecclesiastical. In , Saurez pointed out that a kind of customary law had arisen from the usages of nations, and distinctly described a society of interdependent states bound by fundamental principles of justice.
At the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries, a series of circumstances arose necessitating the extension of jurisprudence beyond its ancient boundaries, and thus tending to produce a group of international jurists. His origin is traced from a Frenchgentleman, Jean Cornets, who took up his residence in The Netherlands in From this marriage sprung a Hugo de Groot, distinguished for his learning in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew and five times burgomaster of his native city.
His eldest son, Cornelius, was a noted linguist and mathematician who studied law in France and received high office in his own country, afterward becoming a professor of law and many times rector of the University of Leyden. Another son, John de Groot, the father of Hugo Grotius, studied there under the famous Lipsius, who speaks of him with the highest commendation. Four times burgomaster of Delft, John de Groot became curator of the University of Leyden, a position which he filled with great dignity and honor.
In his earliest years the young Hugo gave evidence of marked and varied ability. His fame as a prodigy of diversified learning spread far and wide, and great scholars declared they had never seen his equal. Grotius had won celebrity even in foreign lands when, in , at the age of seventeen, he was admitted to the bar. The youthful prodigy had already accompanied the Grand Pensionary, John of Oldenbarneveld on a special embassy to France, where he was presented to Henry IV.
In , Grotius added to his laurels as poet, jurist, and historian by entering the field of politics, and he was appointed Pensionary of Rotterdam upon the condition that he should continue in office during his own pleasure. A wonderful man! This I knew him to be before I had seen him; but the rare excellence of that divine genius no one can sufficiently feel who does not see his face and hear him speak. Probity is stamped on all his features.
Closely related by personal friendship as well as by his official duties to the Grand Pensionary, John of Oldenbarneveld, Grotius was destined to share with that unfortunate patriot the proscription and punishment which Maurice of Orange visited upon the two confederates in the defense of religious tolerance. Risking all as the apostles of peace, they were soon condemned to be its martyrs.
Oldenbarneveld, having incurred the bitter hatred of the Stadtholder, was condemned to death by decapitation on May 12th, Grotius, less offensive to Maurice on account of his youth and his gracious personality, was sentenced six days later to perpetual imprisonment. On the 6th of June, , he was incarcerated in the fortress of Loevestein. Rigorously treated at first, his docility and resignation soon won the respect and affection of his keepers. Writing materials and books were in time accorded him, and finally, on condition that she would continue to share his captivity, he was granted the presence of his wife.
The studious prisoner and his devoted companion completely disarmed all suspicion of an intention to escape, and the ponderous chest in which books came and went continued to bring periodic consolation to the mind of the busy scholar. A treatise on the truth of the Christian religion, a catechism for the use of his children, a digest of Dutch law, and other compositions served to occupy and alleviate the weary months of confinement, until one day when the time seemed opportune Madame Grotius secretly inclosed her husband in the great chest and it was borne away by two soldiers.
From Antwerp he took refuge in France, where he arrived in April, , and was joined by his faithful wife at Paris in the following October. The bitterness of exile was now to be added to the miseries of imprisonment, for Grotius was not only excluded from The Netherlands, but in extreme poverty. Much speculation has been indulged in regarding the causes which led to the composition of this masterpiece, but a recent discovery has rendered all this superfluous, as well as the ascription of special merit to the Counselor Peyresc for suggesting the idea of the work.
It is, indeed, to the pacific genious of Grotius more than to all other causes that the world owes the origin of his great work; for it sprang from his dominant thought, ever brooding on the horrors of war and the ways of peace, during more than twenty years, and never wholly satisfied till its full expression was completed. The manuscript remained unknown by all his biographers until it was brought to light and printed under the auspices of Professor Fruin at The Hague in The difference between the earlier work and the later is chiefly one of detail and amplification, the difference which twenty years of reading, experience, meditation and maturity of faculty would inevitably create.
The curious may find in his letters the almost daily chronicle of his progress with his book to the time of its publication after excessive labors lasting more than a year. In March, , the printing of the first edition, which had occupied four months, was completed and copies were sent to the fair at Frankfort. His honorarium as author consisted of two hundred copies, many of which he presented to his friends. From the sale of the remainder at a crown each, he was not able to reimburse his outlay. In the following August he wrote to his father and brother that if he had their approbation and that of a few friends, he would have no cause for complaint but would be satisfied.
Louis XIII, to whom the work was dedicated, accepted the homage of the author and a handsomely bound copy, but failed to exercise the grace customary with monarchs by according a gratification. At Rome, the treatise was proscribed in the index in If my country can do without me, I can do without her. The world is large enough….
Invited to enter the service of France by Richelieu, Grotius would not accept the conditions which the Cardinal wished to impose,—such at least is the inevitable inference from his letters. His pension was not paid and his circumstances became so serious that one of his children had but a single coat. At length, pushed to the utmost extremity of want and instigated by his energetic wife, Grotius resolved to return to Holland.
Driven from Rotterdam to Amsterdam, where he hoped to settle down as a lawyer, the States General twice ordered his arrest and named a price for his delivery to the authorities. The new Stadtholder, Frederick Henry, who, before succeeding his brother Maurice, had written kindly to Grotius after his escape from imprisonment, now approved his proscription. Abandoned by his prince as well as by his countrymen, Grotius once more turned his face toward exile and set out for Hamburg.
It may be of interest at this point in the career of Grotius to describe briefly the character of the great work which was soon to win for him a new celebrity, and materially change his prospects in life. On the contrary, he seeks to discover when, how, and by whom war may be justly conducted. In the First Book, he considers whether any war is just, which leads to the distinction between public and private war, and this in turn to a discussion of the nature and embodiment of sovereignty.
In the Second Book, the causes from which wars arise, the nature of property and personal rights which furnish their occasions, the obligations that pertain to ownership, the rule of royal succession, the rights secured by compacts, the force and interpretation of treaties, and kindred subjects are examined.
From the authority of the Empire and the Church, no longer effectual as an international agency, Grotius appeals to Humanity as furnishing the true law of nations. Beginning with the idea that there is a kinship among men established by nature, he sees in this bond a community of rights. The society of nations, including as it does the whole human race, needs the recognition of rights as much as mere local communities.
As nations are but larger aggregations of individuals, each with its own corporate coherence, the accidents of geographic boundary do not obliterate that human demand for justice which springs from the nature of man as a moral being. There is, therefore, as a fundamental bond of human societies, a Natural Law, which, when properly apprehended, is perceived to be the expression and dictate of right reason.
It is thus upon the nature of man as a rational intelligence that Grotius founds his system of universal law. As this law of human nature is universally binding wherever men exist, it cannot be set aside by the mere circumstances of time and place, whence it results that there is a law of war as well as a law of peace.
As this law applies to the commencement of armed conflicts, war is never to be undertaken except to assert rights, and when undertaken is never to be carried on except within the limits of rights. It is true that in the conflict of arms laws must be silent, but only civil laws, which govern in times of peace. Those laws which are perpetual, which spring from the nature of man as man, and not from his particular civil relations, continue even during strife and constitute the laws of war. To deny these, or to disobey them, implies a repudiation of human nature itself and of the divine authority which has invested it with rights and obligations.
To disavow the imperative character of these perpetual laws, is to revert to barbarism. Natural Law remains ever the same, but institutions change. While the study of abstract justice, apart from all that has its origin in the will or consent of men, would enable us to create a complete system of jurisprudence, there is another source which must not be neglected, since men have established the sanctity of certain rules of conduct by solemn convention. The Law of Nations does not consist, therefore, of a mere body of deductions derived from general principles of justice, for there is also a body of doctrine based upon consent; and it is this system of voluntarily recognized obligations which distinguishes international jurisprudence from mere ethical speculation or moral theory.
There are customs of nations as well as a universally accepted law of nature, and it is in this growth of practically recognized rules of procedure that we trace the evolution of law international— jus inter gentes —as a body of positive jurisprudence. It is evident that the mind of Grotius is continually struggling to establish a science upon this positive basis, and it is this which gives a distinctive character to his effort.
The great writers of all ages are cited with a superfluous lavishness, not so much to support his claims by an aggregation of individual opinions— still less to display his erudition, as his critics have sometimes complained—as to give a historic catholicity to his doctrine by showing that the laws he is endeavoring to formulate have, in fact, been accepted in all times and by all men. For this purpose also, he makes abundant use of the great authorities on Roman Law, whose doctrines and formulas were certain to carry conviction to the minds of those whom he desired to convince. It is needless, perhaps, to point out that the work of Grotius is not and could not be a work of permanent authority as a digest of international law.
His own wise appreciation of the positive and historical element—the authority derived from custom—should exempt him from the pretense of absolute finality.
It is the Book of Genesis only that he has given us, but it is his indefeasible distinction to have recorded the creation of order out of chaos in the great sphere of international relationship, justly entitling him to the honor accorded to him by the spontaneous consent of future times as the Father of International Jurisprudence. It is not difficult after more than three centuries of thought and experience to point out the defects in his doctrine.
If he justifies slavery, it is not without ingenuity; for, he argues, if a man may sell his labor, why not his liberty? If he identifies sovereignty with supreme power without any adequate conception of its ethical basis, he is at least as advanced in his thinking as the conceptions of his time, which had not yet grasped the idea of the state as a moral organism. If he has no adequate notion of neutrality, believing it to be the duty of a nation to enlist its energies for what it deems the right side, rather than to disavow all responsibility for actions foreign to its own interests, he is at least supported in this by the opinion of the multitude even at the present time; and even among jurists the modern conception of neutrality is hardly a century old.
If the new schools of jurisprudence make light of Natural Law as a foundation of public and private rights, it is not certain that Grotius may not yet be vindicated as representing a doctrine at least as clear as any other which has been substituted for it. But, finally, to all these criticisms it may be answered, that no great thinker can be justly estimated except in relation to his predecessors and contemporaries. Measured by these, Grotius stands alone among the jurists of his century for originality of thought and power of exposition.
His fame as a jurist had become international and, rudely repelled by his native Holland, he became the center of European interest. The first edition of that work, written in Latin, the cosmopolitan language of learned Europe, had been quickly exhausted and widely scattered. Another had soon been called for at Paris, but the death of Buon, the publisher, created obstacles to its appearance.
A second edition had appeared at Frankfort in , another at Amsterdam in , and still another with notes by the author in The book had aroused the thought of kings as well as of scholars, and in the circles of high influence everywhere in Europe the name of Grotius had become well known. His book had excited the most opposite sentiments and awakened the most contradictory judgments, but among lawyers and statesmen its reception was from the first generally marked by admiration.
In spite of exile, poverty, and misfortune, Grotius had become a European celebrity and was about to enter into the reward of his labors. He had created a code for war and a programme of peace, and henceforth no statesman could afford to neglect him. By the death of Gustavus the Chancellor had, in , recently come into the regency of the kingdom at a critical moment when a retreat from the bitter contest with the Empire seemed to be foredoomed unless prevented by the support and friendship of France. Recalling the commendation of the late king, Oxenstiern sought and found in Grotius an ambassador of Sweden to negotiate a new Franco-Swedish alliance.
Accepting this appointment in , Grotius arrived at Paris on his diplomatic mission on March 2d, Richelieu, having failed to draw the great jurist into the orbit of his influence as a satellite, resented his appearance in a character so influential and honorable as that of ambassador of Sweden, and Grotius made little progress in his negotiation.
By taste, nature, and training, Grotius was a jurist and not a diplomatist, and he soon realized that the two vocations, if not diametrically opposed, are at least separated from each other by a vast interval. His diplomatic correspondence betrays the keen observer and the conscientious moralist rather than the accomplished negotiator.
Among the observations recorded in his dispatches, one may be quoted as an example of his penetration and his humor. It is painful to behold the great father of international jurisprudence descending in his dispatches to petty details of precedence and alienating from himself the sympathies of his colleagues by ridiculous ceremonial pathies of his colleagues by ridiculous ceremonial pretensions. He would no longer visit Mazarin, because the Cardinal insisted on calling him Eminence instead of Excellence; Grotius considering this distinction of terms a slight upon his rank as ambassador.
His quarrels concerning precedence, which rendered him an object of ridicule at the French Court, were not the only griefs of the ambassador of Sweden. Inadequately recompensed, he was obliged to wait two years for his salary and finally, being reduced to a condition in which he could no longer maintain existence otherwise, he was compelled to demand of the royal treasury of France a part of the subsidies promised to the army of his adopted country. Weary of his importunities, the France government repeatedly requested his recall.
Disgusted with his mission, Grotius at last abandoned the duties of his office to the intriguing adventurer, Cerisante, who was sent to aid him, and buried himself in his books until his return to Sweden at his own request in Queen Christina of Sweden, a patroness of scholars, desirous of aiding Grotius and of retaining him in the service of her kingdom, made many offers and promises, but their execution being deferred, he became impatient of his lot, refused a position as counselor of state, and resolved to leave the country.
His plan to abandon Stockholm secretly was prevented by a messenger of the queen who followed him to the port where he intended to embark and induced him to return for a farewell audience. Off the coast near Dantzic a violent tempest arose. On the 17th of August, , the vessel was driven ashore and Grotius, overcome by his trying experiences, was taken ill at Rostock, where a few days later he passed away.
The later years of his life had been chiefly devoted to plans for the establishment of peace in the religious world, whose dissensions gave him great distress of mind. The country of his birth, which had so long denied him citizenship, received him at last to the silent hospitality of the tomb.
His body was taken to Delft, his native town, where his name is now held in grateful reverence. It would be tedious to name the numerous editions, translations, and commentaries which have given it an exceptional place in the literature of Europe. This task has been in part performed, however, by Dr. The whole number of titles included is , but they do not comprise the writings of the generations of jurists who have been inspired by the great master or of the critics and biographers who have discussed his life and work. Tardily, but with full contrition for the bitter wrong done to one of her greatest and noblest sons, the memory of Grotius has received from his native land abundant recognition and commemoration.
The appropriate tomb that marks his resting place in the Nieuwe Kerk at Delft, symbolical of his learning, genius, and renown, was erected in On the 17th of September, , a noble statue of the great jurist was unveiled in the public square of his native town in front of the church which contains his tomb. Thus, more than a century after his death, and again still another century later, Holland has paid her tribute of respect to her illustrious citizen.
At the recent Peace Conference at The Hague was completed the great structure of international comity whose corner stone was laid by him in It was most fitting that an international congress called in the interest of peace should blend with the negotiation of conventions for the pacific settlement of disputes between nations by a permanent tribunal, and for the amelioration of the laws of war, a celebration of the distinguished writer whose great thought had at last borne such precious fruits.
In pursuance of instructions received from the Secretary of State, the United States Commission invited their colleagues in the congress, the heads of the Dutch universities, and the high civic authorities to join with them in observing the 4th of July by celebrating the memory of the great jurist. With appropriate exercises in the apse of the old church, near the monument of Grotius and mausoleum of William the Silent, the representatives of twenty-six nations gathered to do him honor.
An eloquent oration by the Honorable Andrew D. The uniqueness of Greek and Roman culture is important in accounting for the crucial difference between European and non-European civilizations. Whatever the status of the debate over "the Ancients and the Moderns" the classicists claim the pygmy Moderns are standing on the shoulders of the giant Ancients , European civilization has been profoundly influenced by the perfections and faults of the classical world. The concept of natural law is the heritage from the Ancients which has had the most profound impact on the flowering of liberty.
The Stoics posited an identification of physis and nomos , nature and law. The wise man lived in harmony with nature; he was not dragged in the train of events. The Stoics emphasized the "common. Chrysippus, "a philosopher learned in history, delighted in collecting examples of historical relativism; but like all the Stoics he was undisturbed by the diversity of the phenomena, for behind all the variety there is agreement at least about the basic issues, the agreement of reasonable men of all times and countries". This knowledge led him instead to praise the order of the universality of natural law and each person's equality before that law.
The law of nations, which the Stoics viewed as the shadow of natural law, was derived from principles of private law as developed by Roman law-finders. Hayek has compared the persistence of private law, rooted in spontaneous social relations, to the ephemeral character of public law, based on political, imposed relations. Hayek's and the Stoics' analyses are complimentary. Stemming from the Stoics and Thomas Aquinas and reaching down to Adam Smith and Thomas Paine , natural law has been the basis for the development of modern liberalism.
However, the writings of Hugo Grotius Huig van Groot, , especially De jure belli et pacis , constitute a watershed in the history of ideas because Grotius completed the process of founding natural law in human nature. V Hernshaw, 3 has emphasized that the origins of Grotius's exposition can be found in the then great debate over whether obedience should be paid to political authority.skivtisali.tk
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Juan de Mariana, S. Grotius inherited his opposition to tyranny. His father was the curator of the University of Leyden, center both of commercial Holland's Republican opposition to the militarism of the Princes of Orange as well as of the anti-Calvinist and bourgeois Arminianism. Grotius devoted himself to expounding the Arminian view of tolerance; his religious writings emphasized that the truths of Christianity, which were held in common by Catholics, Calvinists, Lutherans, and Arminians, were fundamentally more important compared to the peripheral points on which they felt they differed.
Grotius's appetite for learning and his encyclopedic knowledge were recognized at age twenty when he was appointed Historiographer of his province, Holland. Historical research continually engaged Grotius's attention, and his historical writings included De antiquitate reipublicae Batavae and the Annals of the Low Countries , on which he worked until his death. In Grotius published one of his most significant works, Mare Liberum. To the question of whether the seas could become state property, he answered a resounding no!
No government had the right to exclude other nations' merchant ships from any seas. Grotius, as Pensionary of Rotterdam, wrote an edict of toleration which was issued by the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands. Religious toleration was opposed by the Prince of Orange, the military commander, who sided with the Calvinists against the Arminians.
In part, the prince reacted to the Dutch bourgeoisie the Arminians who insisted upon acceptance of the favorable peace offered by Spain in order to concentrate on commercial activities. The prince, rural gentry, and Calvinist clergy saw peace as undermining discipline while introducing luxury based on commerce. In , the privileged, military Calvinists struck at the capitalist Arminians. The Republican leaders, Johan van Oldenbarneveldt and Grotius were arrested. The former was executed and Grotius condemned to life imprisonment. Rescued by his wife's efforts, Grotius escaped in a chest which was supposed to contain his Arminian books; he was given refuge in Paris The beginning of the Thirty Years' War with its pillaging, violation, and massacre of civilian populations horrified Grotius.
Aided by the researches of his brother, William, and his own unrivaled memory, Grotius wrote De jure belli et pacis in one year. Basing himself on the Stoics, Roman jurists, and medieval scholastics, Grotius drew most heavily from the sixteenth century Spanish philosophers of law-Francisco de Vitoria , Luis de Molina , and Francisco Suarez Grotius, in his Prolegomena to The Law of War and Peace , states that man is characterized by a strong sociability, by a desire to spend his life together with his fellow men, "and not merely spent somehow, but spent tranquilly and in a manner corresponding to the character of his intellect.
This desire the Stoics call the domestic instinct, or feeling of kindred. He has also been endowed with the faculty of knowing and acting in accordance with general principles. Grotius derived from this sociability the concept of law. Whatever is clearly at variance with such judgment is understood to be contrary also to the law of nature, that is, to the nature of man. The pressures of the Thirty Years' War created the conditions for revolutions throughout Europe.
But Grotius did not live to see his vindication in the restoration of Republican rule to the Netherlands. The Peace of Westphalia , which ended the Thirty Years' War, was concluded by the pacific Dutch capitalists and was opposed by the Prince of Orange. Finally, the Republicans gained dominance and established a decentralized constitution with each province controlling the army and religion within its own borders. This history was well-known to the fathers of the American Revolution. Likewise, the impact of Grotius's jurisprudence was transmitted to them via Samuel Pufendorf , through Locke , Rousseau , Barbeyrac , Burlamaqui, Blackstone, and Montesquieu.
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Edelstein, The Meaning of Stoicism Lewis, Against the Tyrant The place that Grotius holds in the history of international law and the laws which regulate war and peace is one that has been recognized at least since the 18th century, but more especially in the treaties and international agreements which emerged out of the major conflicts of the 20th century. In this discussion, Fernando R. Fernando R. The processes that 10 Globalizing Anthropology we now see as distinctive have been emerging over centuries and represent no significant break with the past, nor are they transforming world structures in any revolutionary manner.
Transnational corporations, often considered the engines of globalization, have been evolving since the great joint stock companies of the early colonial period. What we see is not something new but just the working out of the logic of capitalist expansion. Culturally, Westernization may have been more of a factor for a greater percentage of indigenous peoples in the 18th and 19th centuries when colonizers had the power to create entirely new Europeanized elites in Africa and Asia.
Politically, the period after World War II, when the United Nations was formed, might be seen as a greater period of globalization than anything that is happening today. Many critics claim a much earlier genesis, suggesting that globalization has been going on at least since the 16th century a paleontologist might legitimately make a claim for a much earlier date. Finally, the hyperglobalization thesis is that the world is experiencing something entirely new, fundamentally different than anything that has gone before, which will ultimately transform the nature of human life on earth in very radical ways.
Economically, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the dissolution of socialism as a serious alternative have given rise to a third stage of capitalism—first preindustrial, then industrial, and now postindustrial or to use a term to be discussed in a moment, postmodern. Globalization represents not a smooth evolutionary sequence but a rupture with the past, a disjuncture, a fragmentation in the course of history, a new era. A key element is the deterritorialization of production and finance. Transnational corporations, many of which control more wealth than most countries of the world, purchase both raw and finished materials from all over the globe, distribute the process of manufacture in many different countries, and have worldwide advertising and distributional networks that reach into the most remote tribal and peasant communities and the most impoverished shanty towns.
Finance is even more fluid; almost entirely divorced from the existence of precious metals or hard cash, computerized electric money flows instantaneously and everywhere via satellite. Indeed, communication is a central element of this new era. Transnational corporations, combined with global organizations the United Nations, the World Slouching Toward Globalization 11 Bank, the International Monetary Fund and treaties GATT, the Law of the Seas, the Montreal Protocol , assume functions formerly belonging to the state; even policy and decision making becomes deterritorialized.
The ideology and practice of consumerism, the driving force of capitalism, is spread through movies, television, radio, billboards, and the Internet, breaking down traditional cultural values based on kinship and community. It is too easy simply to assume the blind-men-and-elephant perspective. As the reader may recall, each blind investigator feels a different part of the elephant—tail, trunk, leg—so each assumes a different reality; the elephant is like a rope; no, it is like a snake; no, a tree.
It might be noted that in this metaphor, although each is only partially correct, there really is an elephant. The position taken here is that globalization is a reality, but so are regionalization and localization. While sympathetic to the evolutionary argument, I will argue that what is new is, first, that neoliberal capitalism has achieved an unprecedented global dominance and, second, that regionalism, localization, and globalization now form a single, unified system, more closely interrelated than ever before.
Eric Wolf has convincingly documented the degree to which even the most remote society was affected by the capitalist mode of production, but what is occurring today is somewhat different; influences once felt as distant, abstract, and incomprehensible are quite immediate, the links more clearly visible, the presence of the global experienced more directly. Capitalism is an economic system of private ownership of property and the means of production; distribution is based on the profit motive and takes place within a free, or relatively free, competitive market in which supply and demand determine, or are supposed to determine, price.
Capitalism emerged several times in the past—in ancient Mesopotamia, for example, and during various periods in China—but Western capitalism can be traced back to the early 16th century in Europe. This is, of course, the great period of ocean exploration and of the solidification of the nation-state; the spread of empire and the growth of capitalism proceed in close symbiosis from the very beginning. European feudalism began to self-destruct almost as soon as it was firmly established in the 11th century.
The feudal system, based on rent bondage and labor tribute to a landlord, was challenged by the growth of 12 Globalizing Anthropology commercial fairs, guilds, urbanization, and the emergence of a commercial class. Fortunes brought back from the Crusades established huge commercial banking families, first in the Italian republics then in Holland and England, and these families helped finance the consolidation of centralized states. The ideal was to take in money but avoid, as much as possible, paying it out. The state was the center of economic exchange, at least at the higher levels; the wealth of the state was supposedly ensured through strong laws regulating trade, minimizing imports of any goods not used in production, and maximizing exports of finished goods.
Colonies, which supplied cheap labor and raw materials, could trade only with the mother country. Within the European state, craft production by guilds existed side by side with incipient small-scale capitalism, based on wage labor. Eric Wolf, in his seminal Europe and the People Without History —perhaps the first true anthropological study of globalization—documents the profound and lasting impact of these processes on indigenous peoples.
There was no concept of private property. The encomienda system employed throughout Spanish America gave overlords, or encomenderos, rights to Indian labor within a certain region, although theoretically they did not really own the land many of these encomiendas later turned into fully owned haciendas or plantations. In many Asian and African colonies, high taxes had to be paid in goods, and laws forced specific percentages of native land to be used for export production. In early Canada, the French imposed an equally effective, if somewhat less brutal, form of tributary economy.
Indians were made dependent for their very survival on European manufactured goods, which could only be obtained through the exchange of beaver pelts. The transformation from kin-ordered to tributary mode of production affected nearly every aspect of indigenous life—breaking up lineages, shuffling leadership, causing migrations to new territories, and, in North America, Slouching Toward Globalization 13 creating exterminative warfare as beaver and later, bison diminished and Indian tribes fought each other for trading networks and shrinking resources Blick Joint stock companies, financed by individual investors and private businesses but directly controlled by the state, were a natural progression of the mercantilist system.
They were more than economic enterprises; they established long-term European communities in foreign lands, created their own class systems, and acted as surrogate governments complete with their own armies and navies. On the one hand, as official representatives of their home governments, obligated to trade only with the mother country, they were firmly mercantilist. Mercantilism and capitalism were never clearly demarcated, and the former simply merged into the latter over a few hundred years. Wolf saw wage labor—the transformation of work into a commodity to be bought and sold like any other commodity—as a defining quality of capitalism.
By this criterion, true capitalism did not really become firmly established, even in Europe, until the first industrial revolution in the midth century. If capitalism is defined more broadly, as private ownership of the means of production and competitive trade for profit, it began much earlier. It is hardly necessary to split hairs on this issue since there was a period of centuries when tributary production overlapped and merged with capitalist production; in fact, semi- or wholly mercantilist tributary systems continued in many parts of the world until the collapse of colonialism in the latter half of the 20th century.
Wherever capitalism became the dominant form for indigenous peoples, further transformations of culture, social structure, economy, and politics were inevitable. Whereas tributary systems had created broad classes of surplus takers and surplus producers, under capitalism class stratification along lines of wealth, race, and ethnicity became increasingly elaborated. Native property was privatized in European hands through outright land theft or legal maneuvering: In El Salvador, land was confiscated if not turned to coffee production, which was all but impossible for most peasants since it takes five years for coffee plants to produce their first crops, and natives lacked the capital to survive that long before seeing the benefit of their efforts.
Throughout the colonies, huge commercial plantations replaced tributary lands. Bereft of land, native peoples were forced to work for minuscule wages. As money became the single universal value, 14 Globalizing Anthropology local handicrafts were wiped out by the availability of cheap manufactured imports.
In contrast to mercantilism, in which the state controlled the economy, in capitalism the function of the state was to protect private property, encourage business, open new territory to exploitation by corporations, and use its military might to promote and protect overseas private interests. Those who anthropology has been blithely fitting into primal classifications, such as band, tribe, and chiefdom, have long histories of transformation through interpenetration and interaction with powerful outside forces.
In many cases, the processes of devolution overcame any internal evolutionary forces directed toward more complexity. As viewed by Immanuel Wallerstein , the result of European expansion was a world capitalist system based on a division of labor between core, periphery, and semi-periphery. The core—the industrialized countries—employed capital-intensive production to create manufactured goods to be sold around the world. The task of the periphery was to supply raw materials and cheap labor to the core and to provide markets for core products. The semi-periphery countries combined features of both the core and periphery, mediating between the two.
Although Wallerstein was a major influence on contemporary globalization theory, much of what he describes has already changed or is in the process of transformation. The division-of-labor structure is based on an industrialized core and a pre- or nonindustrial periphery. Today, the core has moved into a postindustrial phase and to a great extent the periphery, even some of the poorest countries, has taken over the function of manufacture and the refinement of raw materials.
The neat functional integration of world system theory seems increasingly simplistic given the rapid transfer of industrialism and mass consumerism to the Third World, the unfettered fluidity of financial flows, and worldwide media saturation. All of the elements were in place well before then: Neoliberalism became official U. However, to turn neoliberalism from an American economic philosophy into a global structure required two massive changes: the end of superpower rivalry and the acceptance of neoliberalism by the Third World. By as late as the mids, neither of these was even remotely accomplished.
The debt crisis of the s and the lost decade of the s was crucial to the incorporation of the Third World into the neoliberal system. At that time, almost all of the governments of the less-developed countries had adopted some degree of import substitution, attempting to protect indigenous industries from foreign competition via high tariffs or outright bans on certain imported goods. Foreign investment was tightly controlled and foreign ownership often prohibited. A few countries—mostly among the poorest of the poor—were outright communist, but most others were attempting some sort of third way between capitalism and communism.
The communist bloc countries traded preferentially among each other, and Soviet trade was often based less on supply and demand than on political and strategic considerations. With the exception of already relatively well-developed countries with strong ties to the United States, there was little inclination—and much antipathy—to transforming economies along neoliberal lines.
In reaction to the Arab-Israeli war, OPEC countries took control of the pricing and production of their oil, which until that time had been largely under the control of Western multinational corporations. As huge amounts of petrodollars poured into OPEC coffers, the money was put into American and European banks to be recycled.
Partially to pay for oil and partially for development which seldom materialized , countries borrowed prodigiously from private banks and major multilateral institutions at variable rates. In the early s, the whole system collapsed, leaving the countries heavily overindebted. The International Monetary Fund IMF , originally designed to promote free trade among Western nations after World War II, stepped in to offer loans designed to pay enough interest on the debt to keep the country from default.
World Bank loans, targeted for development projects, imposed similar strictures. When accepting an IMF loan, the country must sign a conditionality contract promising that it will make certain structural adjustments. It receives the money over time as these adjustments are made. We will take a look in a moment at exactly what that means. The point here is that the IMF and World Bank found themselves with powers that would have been the envy of the most rapacious emperor of Imperial Rome, namely the power to dictate the economies of almost all of the developing countries of the world.
As long as the USSR was a superpower, some countries could hold out by trading with the communist bloc. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in , not only did communist-aligned countries lose their trading partners, but corrupt U. Not only communism but socialism and all the other third way variations were left with no support all. Even Russia was subject to neoliberal pressures in order to get loans comprised partially of money transferred from Third World aid , with well-known disastrous results.
While a few Third World countries, notably Chile and Brazil, embraced neoliberalism with apparent enthusiasm, most were pulled into the fold almost literally kicking and screaming; structural-adjustment riots, strikes, and even revolutions became common. The Southeast Asian industrial tigers, Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea, and Malaysia, signed on partially because they were ready to; these countries had developed strong industrial economies through policies that were totally at odds with neoliberalism—extensive government intervention, import substitution, state-owned enterprises—but had been so successful that they now felt ready to compete in the rough-and-tumble of a laissez-faire global market Lewellen — After just a few years of neoliberalism, their economies were in deep trouble, but they seem to be making a comeback.
In short, the present phase of globalization has existed only since The evolutionary argument that this is a late stage of capitalism, the result of a smooth and inevitable evolution, is debatable, since without the oil shocks, the resultant debt crisis, and the collapse of Soviet communism, Third World countries would not have been forced into the neoliberal system. Wallerstein applied the term world system to ancient empires, such as those of Rome and China. Many of the processes of contemporary globalization, such as the Slouching Toward Globalization 17 ubiquity of electronic media and the spread of consumerism, have, of course, been going on for a long time before , so anthropological studies of the globalization of cultures and peoples may date back several decades.
William Loker8 It has been argued that neoliberalism is crucial to the current definition of globalization. In its most fundamental aspect, neoliberalism is simply the idea that trade should be unfettered by government regulation. This seems innocuous enough. However, until recently, the vast majority of Third World countries were being managed on completely different principles and according to completely different philosophies. Most Third World states operated on the assumption that their domestic industries, small and large, needed to be protected from international competition.
For example, Pedro, a shoemaker in Lima, Peru, runs a shop with ten employees; he produces a fairly decent product on low-tech equipment. However, if Peru is inundated with lower-cost, more stylish, and more durable shoes from, say, China, Pedro is out of business. Multiply this by thousands of entrepreneurs who are unable to get their businesses off the ground and 10, farmers who cannot produce crops cheaper than they can be imported and one can see the problem.
In the world market, bigness, technology, and the cheapest labor have the advantage. If Pedro and all those like him remain in poverty, there is not enough wealth among the masses to create effective demand for goods, so what is produced within the country is targeted for export, and what is imported is mainly luxury goods for the upper classes. The result is a weak domestic economy that endlessly reproduces itself, never reaching a point of self-development. Another problem has been that transnational agriculture or mining corporations remove far more resources and profits than they put back into the country.
Basically, this is a conflict between domestic capitalism and international capitalism. To solve it, some countries turned to socialism, others to various hybrids of socialism and capitalism, and others to protected capitalism, but most placed strong restrictions on imports and tried to control foreign investment. Governments assumed ownership of major resources and industries with the promise that profits would be used to serve the people.
With a few notable exceptions, such as South Korea and Taiwan, these attempts to create strong domestic economies did not achieve expectations, 18 Globalizing Anthropology and some were disastrous failures. Reasons for failure varied, but usually were related to statism and overcontrol by the government, with accompanying corruption and inefficiency.
Neoliberalism, in contrast, shifts the strategy for development from inward-oriented policies directed toward national self-sufficiency to outward-oriented policies designed for maximum integration into the global market. Ideally, the government should be removed from the economic sphere, allowing the market to work for itself in practice, of course, extensive government intervention is required to rapidly transform an economy.
The primary requirements of the neoliberal model are the reduction and removal of tariffs and quotas and the elimination of barriers to foreign investment, allowing free trade, especially via transnational corporations rather than the government, to regulate the economy. Other required structural adjustments include a severe reduction in fiscal deficits, privatization of nationalized corporations, the decontrol of prices including the elimination of subsidies, and the decontrol of exchange rates and interest rates Loker The Southeast Asia successes are often cited as prime examples of neoliberalism, which is odd since the development of these countries followed a far different model that included import substitution, government ownership, price controls, and extensive and ongoing government involvement in almost every aspect of the economy, from land reform to industrial production.
Whereas the Southeast Asian model was pragmatic and flexible, with new changes being made as old policies were outgrown, neoliberalism tends to be more of a cookbook approach to be applied, irrelevant of the culture, history, society, and level of development of the country. Proponents of neoliberalism point to high-level statistics, much the same way that early development theorists used gross national product as a measure of success. On closer examination, however, even claimed successes are few—Chile, Brazil, and Peru are often cited. The Southeast Asia tigers are regularly claimed as exemplary, which ignores the fact that the financial Slouching Toward Globalization 19 crisis of the s occurred shortly after these previously rapidly growing economies abandoned earlier policies and adopted more purely neoliberal regimes.
Neoliberalism favors the rich and, since anthropologists usually study the poor or lower middle classes, a near consensus has emerged that neoliberal adjustments undercut domestic production prices, cause unemployment, create sweatshops that utilize underpaid child and female labor, disrupt families, disempower peasants, and encourage environmental despoliation. Many of the countries to which it is applied have had too much state intervention in the past, often by violent and corrupt governments; as economic power is moved out of the hands of the bureaucracy, new opportunities arise for domestic entrepreneurs.
Government-owned industries were often though by no means always inefficient and run by political cronies of the regime in power, so little of the promised profits ever made their way back to the people. As miserable as they are, transnational factories in Third World countries often pay more and have better working conditions than domestic factories. In some countries, skyrocketing inflation has been brought under control.
The score of minuses and plusses is more mixed than either side wishes to admit; arguers both pro and con will never lack for examples to prove their points or disprove the points of their opponents. Although neoliberalism wants to be a one-size-fits-all model, in reality it does not have the same effects in any two countries because it is always laid over preexisting structures, histories, and cultures.
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What appears at the macro level as a logical set of neutral economic principles turns out, on the ground, to be as subjective, political, and contingent as any other set of policies. It is at ground level—down there on the subsistence farms and in the back alleys of shanty towns where the anthropologist resides—that neoliberal globalization takes on tangible form.
In the globalization literature, one will often find one scholar using the term modern for the same phenomena for which another employs the term postmodern. Most confusing, however, is that the term postmodern can refer to two quite distinct things: 1 an empirical condition or 2 a set of artistic, literary, and social theories. For some analysts, these two are mixed together, so that 20 Globalizing Anthropology postmodern theory becomes a means for analyzing the postmodern condition.
In what follows, I would like to keep these separate; the postmodern condition does not necessarily have anything whatsoever to do with postmodern theory. If domestication of plants and animals is considered the first great revolution, then it is a revolution that lasted more than 5, years. All great states and empires of the past were built upon the surpluses provided by intensive agriculture. The industrial revolution, which passed through at least three phases and is closely associated with the rise of capitalism, shifted the basis of political power from agriculture to manufacturing.
The modern era may be considered the period from about onward when industrialization, centered in Europe and North America, fundamentally transformed political, economic, and social structures.
Formerly agrarian workers needed to adapt to labor specialization and to acclimate to high labor mobility and to working ten- to twelve-hour days at routinized occupations. Science and technology became primary determinants of social change. The Enlightenment provided the philosophical legitimization and guidelines for these processes. For Enlightenment thinkers, rationalism replaced religion and superstition. An understanding of nature through science, and the application of that understanding in the form of technology, would inevitably and in linear fashion lead to progress.
Positivism, basically the idea that no statement was validated until proved empirically or, in its more extreme formulation, that no statement could be meaningful unless it was susceptible to empirical verification promised that once-philosophical questions might be subject to objective answers. The social and political worlds were amenable to goal-realization in the same way that the physical sciences were.
Democracy, based on the rational participation of the governed, was the end point of political development. I am suspicious of attempts to generalize the cognitive maps or discourses of entire epochs; there are always multiple competing ideologies, and the claim that one particular set of ideas is dominant necessarily rests on a very selective use of sources.
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Many influential theorists—not the least of which were Karl Marx and Frederick Slouching Toward Globalization 21 Nietzsche—bemoaned the dehumanization and alienation of these processes and were contemptuous of the concept of progress. The scientific bandwagon will always carry its load of circus clowns. The high modernism that appeared after World War II was based to a great degree on what has become known as fordism. This actually emerged much earlier; David Harvey dates it precisely to the year when Henry Ford introduced the five-dollar, eight-hour day at his Dearborn, Michigan, assembly plant.
But fordism did not fully come into its own until the latter half of the 20th century. Industrial management was organized in a fixed hierarchical arrangement. Labor became deskilled, in the sense that assembly line work required the most minimal of actions, repeated over and over again. The worker had to be socialized into long, tedious hours of routinized movement, for which he would be rewarded with a middle-class income, unthinkable a generation earlier and with which he could purchase a Ford of his own.
The sheer hugeness of finance and production and the need for planning years in advance required new forms of state intervention, protection, and control. The commodification of assembly line products gave rise to a commodification of mass culture. All this 22 Globalizing Anthropology worked together as a single more or less unified system—one that could be exported anywhere that an assembly line could be constructed. What was emerging, and is now fairly accomplished, was a service-and-information economy to replace the industrial economy.
Postfordism is much more fluid than what preceded. While First World countries remain oligopolies just a few major industries dominate production in particular areas, whether cars or breakfast cereals , the hierarchies are less rigid. The transnationalization of almost all major businesses has removed some of the centrality of the state as protector and regulator.
It is characterized by the emergence of entirely new sectors of production, new ways of providing financial services, new markets, and above all, greatly intensified rates of commercial, technological, and organizational innovation. Harvey Postfordism is one aspect of what has come to be known as the postmodern condition. Another aspect is the compression of both space and time. Jet travel and satellite communications have made the world increasingly smaller relative to the time it takes to converse or to travel over long distances.
Whereas modernity was a period of homogenization of culture and consumer goods, the postmodern era promises a world of difference, of almost infinite access to goods for the most individual tastes. Three or four television channels have given way to literally hundreds.
The world of the Internet, which is evolving with a rapidity almost inconceivable a decade ago, is one in which every individual can indulge his own taste in choosing interest groups, chat rooms, or mail-order sellers. With more and more work being done at the home computer, on the car phone, or on the laptop computer on the plane, the cubicle environment is giving way for many to a deterritorialized workplace, where the office clock no longer determines linear time. The fixed and predictable walls of our lives are dissolving, giving way to heterogeneity, fragmentation, and contingency.
One of the most radical changes since, say, the s is the degree to which leisure experience is commercially mediated to every conceivable individual taste. Malls are experiential palaces, not just shopping places; adventure tours can take the traveler anywhere, even to the top of Mount Everest; elaborate arcade games almost erase the distinction be- Slouching Toward Globalization 23 tween virtual reality and reality itself; theme parks funnel the lust for excitement into zones of commercialized fantasy that are both exciting and safe.
The rapidity of these changes seems to be increasing. However, the subject matter of anthropology has traditionally been the Third World or indigenous groups, such as Native Americans, embedded within industrial societies. It should not be supposed that this is some general developmental stage, similar to United States or European stages of development, as was proposed by the modernization theorists of the s and s Rostow Each country will experience industrialization uniquely, depending on its peculiar history and social structure.
While everyone experiences globalization to one degree or another, the postmodern condition described above is very differentially experienced, if at all, by many or most Third World peoples. This needs to be emphasized because, to a great degree, postmodern theory dominates the anthropological study of the Third World; when no differentiation is made between theory and empirical condition, it is up to the reader to keep the two distinct.
The stereotypical condition of modernity, or postmodernity, that has emerged largely from sociological studies may be summarized in such terms as space-time compression, consumerism, commodification, and individualization. Within anthropology, however, the concept of multiple modernities has taken hold. While everyone seems to have some concept of modernity, in the technological sense, if in no other, the ways that modernity is perceived, reacted to, and idealized are often quite unique.
The standardized image of modernity provided by sociologists and economists is based on the Western experience. This complaint is new only in its particulars. There has probably never been a student of anthropology who did not go into the field for the first time with a head full of wonderful classroom theories—structural-functionalism, evolutionism, cultural ecology, you name it—who did not quickly find that on-the-ground realities did not fit very well, if at all, into pre-established molds.
The link between general theory and the minutiae of everyday living has always been complex, uncertain, and contested some postmodernists solve the problem by repudiating general theory altogether. It should be no surprise that a field researcher specifically seeking modernity, of whatever shape, within a Fijian tribe or among Andean peasants, might be in for a frustrating time.
The solution might be to view globalization and modernity not as models to be imposed in a cookie-cutter fashion, not even as a theories, but simply as context, and even then as merely one aspect—not necessarily the most significant one—of a holistic context that includes colonial history, ecological situation, cultural continuity, and class structure. What can no longer be ignored is that, for even the most remote of peoples, there are global inputs that form some part of the environment and that must be reckoned with.
One way to understand the evolution or transformation from one system to another, such as a state-centered system to globalization, is as a shift in the type of choices people are likely to make. Some sets of alternatives become more likely, some less likely. I do not wish to get into the complex issue of the difference between cause and constraint here, except to say that I favor the latter.
The billiard-ball causality favored by early environmental determinists does not take into account the wide range of behaviors possible within any human system. Except in relatively rare cases, such as land reform or war, changes come about through a shift in the probability distribution of certain activities.
The establishment of a new factory will provide opportunities for labor that did not exist previously, but most people will continue in the occupations they had before. Lower-cost transportation will encourage many to travel, but most people will stay home most of the time.
What might be clumsily, but accurately, described as globalization-regionalization-localization Table 2. Gender awareness. Increased ethnicity, transnationalism, hybridity, nationalism. Ethnic politics, nationalism. Diminishment of state-centric power leads to increased localization of politics. NGOs fill former state functions. Hun- anything before; ideology of neoliberal Globalization is an illusion. Global economic and political organizations take over many functions of the state. Interna- UN peace-keeping interventions. Diminishment in wars between states.
Democratization adapted to state political cultures, class systems. Transnational-regional identities: Arab, Global awareness. Caribbean, Afro-American, Islamic. Increased labor migration European Community. Decentralized MNCs and financial flows. NAFTA, for example, both derives from and reinforces the processes of globalization. On the one hand, it is a defensive reaction against the laissez-faire trade of neoliberal capitalism and an obvious response to regional organizations elsewhere.
This said, there are some fairly obvious determinative aspects of the global-regional-local system. They also present great challenges by building a brave new world and a highly unequal one. Digital divides and closing gaps can be addressed in terms of access to and affordability of digital technologies and platforms in developing countries. This is the divide between those who generate data and those who collect, store and use data, the former excluded from access to data, expertise and processing power, power which is increasingly opaque, indecipherable and too vast.
This is not a question of privacy or protection alone, but one of discrimination and powerlessness. The session will debate challenges to closing geographic digital divides, in what is a highly uneven, under-regulated playing field rife in money, profits and big monopolies. DB Deepti Bharthur. Arthur is currently working on a project funded by the Open Technology Fund. The project will detect, document, and analyze current and emerging cyber threats with a long term goal to mitigate their impact on users at risk in specific Sub-Saharan African countries especially around Wednesday June 12, am - am Carthage 3 Laico.
Intersectionality on the Internet: Diversity and Representation , Fishbowl. Cloudy with a chance of cybernorms? This session will work toward a greater understanding of the current state of play when it comes to cybernorms. It will include an overview of global cybernorms initiatives, including the First Committee processes, the identification of human-rights respecting and multi-stakeholder proposals for cybernorms and discuss how these can be channeled into opportunities to engage in the First Committee and other processes.
Moderators SK Sheetal Kumar. Before joining Google, she worked first in a large law company in Vienna and in joined the Federal Chancellery of Austria Constitutional Service and AE Anriette Esterhuysen.
WV Wolfram von Heynitz. Wednesday June 12, am - am Dougga Laico. Saloua holds an MSc in We are a team of lawyers providing legal counselling to victims of abuses and lobbying for legal and policy reform in the MENA region. KR Kamel Rezgui. AT Assaad Thebian. Wednesday June 12, am - am Cyrene Laico. When Two Rights Make a Wrong: Finding a way forward when competing rights fail to protect the most vulnerable in our society The importance of respecting and upholding human rights in a digital age is clear; the route to achieving this, sometimes less so. Particularly challenging are those occasions where fundamental rights find themselves somewhat in tension.
Our strategic roundtable will bring together stakeholders from industry, civil society, academia and law enforcement. It will seek to take advantage of the range of experts at RightsCon to respectfully discuss this paradox within a specific context — child sexual exploitation and abuse - and seek greater mutual understanding, as well as looking for options to work through the challenges experienced on each side. To ensure coverage of a range of perspectives, expert speakers will formally open the conversation by summarising the issues their stakeholder group faces and potential opportunities for overcoming them.
Victoria Baines Principal, Cartimandua Insight. Former Facebook executive and Europol officer. Independent researcher on cybercrime, online safety, public policy and security. Co-host of the Cyber Warrior Princess podcast. Marianne Diaz is a Venezuelan lawyer, digital rights activist and fiction writer, currently based in Santiago, Chile. Her work focuses mainly on issues regarding online freedom of speech, web filtering, internet infrastructure and digital security. She founded the digital rights NGO Wednesday June 12, am - am Elydhafa Laico.
Privacy and Surveillance and Individual Security , Fishbowl. Citizens or Users? Building the global resistance against platform monopolies The session will be a unique opportunity to address the issue of fundamental rights in platforms society from 3 various, but complementary perspectives: international, regional European and national Polish. Digital platforms are said to facilitate and shape human interactions, thus becoming important cultural, economic and social actors.
Increasingly rooted in the daily life of many individuals, platforms monetize social interactions. While the companies offering platform services are increasingly the target of regulative action, not all of those actions take into account fundamental rights arguments. We believe that there is room for the discussion on the role of platforms in the system of fundamental rights protection. The question is how to regulate platforms or self-regulate in order to make sure that they comply with fundamental rights.
The speakers will elaborate on recent regulatory actions on various levels - while evaluating the various responses by authorities, best and worst practices will be selected. Since the session will be a fireside chat, all participants will be welcomed to share their questions and remarks. Mariana Valente Director, InternetLab. I am also the director of InternetLab, where I do research around human rights and the Internet; Internet regulation; Gender and Tech; Access to knowledge and Copyright.
Wednesday June 12, am - am Jelsa Laico. In our session, we will introduce the audience to our tool, IODA, that detects such outages and enables the observation of their characteristics timing, geographic extent, etc. IODA has detected and documented many Internet connectivity shutdowns in the past, including shutdowns in countries such as Iraq, Gabon, and Mexico. In this session, we will show the audience what IODA can do for them.
We will provide the audience an overview of how to use IODA by exploring recent events of interest to the audience. We hope to get feedback from the audience on how to improve IODA; primarily related to usability, accessibility, and functionality. More broadly, we want the audience to understand that information about Internet connectivity shutdowns doesn't have to be limited to hearsay and uncertainty. Being built on peer-reviewed network measurement research, IODA demystifies Internet shutdowns by providing timely facts and powerful analysis tools.
Speakers will walk through how the tool will help them to develop a problem statement, vision statement, connections map, spectrum of allies diagram and tactical reports. The group will discuss how the selected inputs from the case study impact the way advocacy and targeted action is implemented. A Tunisian human rights activists, Rania Derbel, from TuMed and participant in Rawabet, will provide attendees with real-life uses of the tool in order to provide context around the implementation of the tool in human rights advocacy.
Speakers will include English, Arabic and French speakers, while the tool is built in both English and Arabic. Each attendee will have the option of creating their own account at the end of the session to gain access to the online tool. Are you supporting HRDs who monitor in-country human rights violations? If so, then this session is for you. You will learn: - how to access and interpret comprehensive information on the human rights performance of countries - how HRDs can magnify their voices by feeding their knowledge into our tool - how to integrate comprehensive human rights data analysis into your advocacy work For example, you will learn how to: - use HRMI data to position a specific case in the bigger picture - see whether respect for human rights is improving or deteriorating in a country - compare performance across countries and draw conclusions for needed changes to laws, policies and practices - help interpret progress on the SDGs.
Participants with laptops or other devices can explore the data tool in real time. Our team will roam the room to answer questions and provide assistance. Speakers SR Susan Randolph. I am an Internet measurement researcher studying various aspects of the Internet, including its connectivity and performance. I would love to hear feedback This was a problem; when something is not measured, it is easily overlooked and undervalued. We are now filling this gap. Please get Kia ora! We are the first global project to track the human rights progress of countries. Come and talk to us to explore how our data can be useful for making decisions and telling your important Wednesday June 12, am - am Limes Laico.
Show and Tell: Skill-building for Advocacy and Campaigning. Smart Cities: Their future or yours? Following the introduction, we will begin mapping the local representation in the room and divide into small working groups with cross-continental and diverse perspectives. The goal of the working groups will be to share smart-city initiatives taking place in our communities and draft a Public Service Announcement PSA. The PSA will be a call-to-arms for communities to band together by sharing lessons learned and organizing strategies against the onslaught of corporate oligarchy and the commodification of public data, infrastructure, and services.
We will discuss comparative issues pertinent to millennial demographics such as: housing, the gig economy, education, healthcare, public consultation, climate change, and multilateral trade agreements on data infrastructure and surveillance tools. Our two-part special on digital rights and surveillance drops on June 13!
RS Ray Serrato. Wednesday June 12, am - am Carthage 1 Laico. Big Tech and the Future of Journalism: Reinventing news and information in the age of Google and Facebook This session is meant to consider the wider impact of the digital economy on democratic societies, and will take a hard look at both the benefits and harms of a world where global platforms are dominant distributors of news and information as well as major forums for public debate.
Currently, the sector-specific approach to media regulation is inadequate. Regulatory disparities between digital platforms and heavily-regulated media businesses lead to market advantages that these platforms have and often abuse. Thus, the time is right for addressing market mechanism- and failure-related challenges as well as regulatory and ultimately information flow challenges in digital environments.
Any serious effort to address the myriad problems plaguing digital platforms must include competition authorities, economists, media policy experts as well as privacy, digital rights freedom of expression advocates. The session will take a holistic approach to the topic by treating each of these factors as equally important pieces of the larger puzzle of media ecosystem failure as well as the subsequent problems it creates that are currently vexing governments.
Moderators MM Mira Milosevic. AB Asad Baig. Tim builds on the Free Press' grassroots and policy work to promote universal access to open and affordable networks, defend acts of journalism and protect free speech everywhere. Before joining Free Press, Tim served as the vice president of business development for Globalvision Wednesday June 12, am - am Oya 2 Laico. Creating Shared Global Workflows for Social Media Monitoring The central objective of the session would be to convene groups working on social media collection and monitoring to describe new efforts to integrate datasets of social media data, develop and define workflows and standards, demonstrate tools for content collection and verification, discuss strategies for collaboration and integration, provide some feedback, ask questions, help develop tools, and incubate a new group of potential users for content collection and sharing.
Stakeholders such as the international human rights community and organizations working toward protecting free expression should also be more closely involved. In this session, our aim is to bring together more of the RightsCon community into the conversation and determine practical steps for moving forward. I am a senior program manager at NDI for governance, covering the intersection of democracy and technology with a special responsibility to develop projects tracking disinformation worldwide.
JD Jeff Deutch. Wednesday June 12, am - am Utique Laico. This includes the origin, type, seriousness, legislation, and responses etc This session will also highlight the common problems and challenges facing the region regarding disinformation. Some of them could be seen in other regions as well.
Additionally, participants will learn the know-how of the disinformation map approach to identify all those elements in different countries in the region and also how to apply it to their region. Thirdly, participants will learn the common strategies developed in dealing with the disinformation situation.
Lastly, participants will have the chance to think about disinformation issues at the regional level and to understand what and how can be done to tackle the problems. This trend of increasing misinformation is not unique to India but also other developing countries. Digital Empowerment Foundation DEF works across villages of India, empowering communities with access to digital tools.
The organization sees its responsibility in ensuring that community members have the understanding of accessing and evaluating information before consuming it. The goals are: to share efforts for MIL in rural areas with focus on oral communities and first-generation users, to explain why misinformation is more worrisome in India, identifying solutions to tackle misinformation, particularly in rural India.
Speaker: Osama Manzar What's in a name - misinformation vs. How do online harassment, trolling, and information operations uses to promote these tactics? Join Brittan Heller as she explains how these terms are distinctive, how they overlap, and what different behaviours and actors are implicated in each one.
I'm committed to the mission of eradicating information poverty from India and global south using digital tools through Digital Empowerment Foundation, an organisation I founded with my wife in Let's talk about how is the Internet revolutionising rural India? YC Yu-Hsuan Chang. Brittan Heller works at the intersection of technology, human rights, and the law, and is an expert on content moderation and the movement from online conduct to offline violence.
She is the founder of the Center for Digital Civil Rights, an innovation lab for human and civil rights Alfredo Velazco Director, Usuarios Digitales. The Future of Media in the Age of Misinformation. Anticipating and addressing human rights impacts in a 5G environment 5G technology is well touted, but poorly understood. Experts agree that the transition from 4G to 5G will be significantly different from previous transitions, leading to new physical infrastructure and system architectures, bandwidth utilization, capabilities, and uses. Yet, despite this fanfare, there has been relatively little public discussion or analysis of the human right impacts and implications of 5G.
The goal of this session is to educate participants about these differences and workshop an assessment of the opportunities that currently or will soon exist to influence the 5G roll-out to enhance positive and mitigate negative human rights impacts. A summary of that session can be found here. No expertise or prior experience on this topic is required! YN Yves Nissim. A Finn based in the UK. NK Nicole Karlebach. His work focuses on looking at the evolution of existing rights Wednesday June 12, am - am Carthage 2 Laico.
The State of Internet Shutdowns in The first 6 months of have been the worst shutdowns so far: Venezuela has systematically been blocking social media platforms for months while democratic countries like Benin have been shutting down the internet for elections. Some in the US media have written supporting social media shutdowns in Sri Lanka, while others in Senegal have been organizing to avoid shutdowns during elections.
This panel discussion will bring together activists and policymakers that have worked hard to fight internet shutdowns in the past 6 months. The panelists, selected from countries that have shutdown the internet in the past 6 months, will highlight the state of internet shutdowns in Moderators BT Berhan Taye. KT Kudakwashe T. AA Andres Azpurua. BH Befeqadu Hailu. Wednesday June 12, am - am L'Escale Laico. Making Civic Tech Work for Democracy: Lessons from Tunisia, Nigeria, and Taiwan In recent years, the rapid growth of civic technology has provided more opportunities for citizens to engage in democratic processes, leverage economic opportunities, and hold government officials accountable via e-governance platforms.
This session will explore case studies from Tunisia, Nigeria, and Taiwan, as well as experiences with civic tech shared by the participants, to answer the following key questions: How can we ensure that the use of civic technology benefits all citizens, supports democracy, and upholds human rights? How can technology solutions have a multiplier effect on inclusive governance across diverse communities? What kind of technology platforms or tools have worked well to support democracy and human rights, and what has not worked well? What are the lessons learned from each case study for other countries using civic technology tools or platforms?
Moderators Ali Ayadi. AA Achref Aouadi. MH Min Hsuan Wu. Wednesday June 12, am - am Biscay Palais. Russia, China and Iran have three very different governments, systems of language, and culture, yet they are exemplary countries in create their very own unique internet cultures because of the technological and legal hurdles they have placed on their users from accessing a secure and open internet.
These hurdles effect the everyday lives of their countrymen, the shape and ability for dissent, as well as the respective economies of each of these countries. While these controls have taken shape, these internet cultures have strategically remained porous. With some more effort, Iranians, Russians, and Chinese can all find ways to access -however, these regimes have kept accessibility strategically at bay to never fully threaten the power structures of these authoritarian governments. Experts working on each of these countries will discuss alongside individuals representing various companies who have a strategic presence, and opportunity to improve the situation of access to the Internet.
ARTICLE 19 supports independent media, civil society and activists across the region to exercise and defend the right to freedom of expression and access to information. We challenge restrictive legislation, as well as attacks and imprisonment of individuals that violate freedom of AI Alexander Isavin. MA Mahsa Alimardani. QX Qiang Xiao. Beyond the Hype: AI innovation and human rights in the telecoms sector Artificial Intelligence AI refers to a category of computer systems which perform tasks more efficiently and make decisions with a degree of autonomy that normally require human intelligence.
The purpose of this panel is to take a pragmatic perspective on how AI technology is being deployed in the telecommunications sector. We will explore the current safeguarding mechanisms on the ethical and rights respecting use of AI in telecommunications, and aim to draw best practise and evaluate whether the current mechanisms are seen as sufficient from stakeholders' perspective.
Questions to be addressed: How is AI used inside the telecoms companies and in the customer interface? How should corporate transparency be defined in the use of AI? Are there overarching themes in the current corporate principles on the use of AI which could be combined into industry principles? KD Kat Duffy. I'm BT's lawyer and head of policy for human rights - responsible for our programme to implement the UNGPs in our business.
Wednesday June 12, am - am Oya 1 Laico. Machine Learning for Human Rights Activists: Everything you wanted to know about machine learning but were afraid to ask This presentation will include two parts: 1 a thorough description of our hate speech research, and 2 a code demo guiding participants to understand basic methods of machine learning for hate-related textual data. Our hate speech research integrates item response theory with deep learning to accurately track levels of hate speech on social media over time, a novel methodology with major promise for computational social science.
Our code tutorial will then empower attendees through interactive learning to build and interpret machine learning models that can be applied to text on social media for their own research and activism. Change the Terms: Approaches for addressing a new era of hate online This session aims to bring together experts in right-wing extremism and academics who study the role of the internet in propagating extremism to engage with an audience of internet company leaders, regulators, and civil society organizations dealing with the impact of toxic online content on their constituents.
The workshop will feature a presentation of policy recommendations from a coalition of more than 50 civil rights organizations designed to address hateful activity on online platforms. These policy recommendations come on the heels of another year of deadly violence from the far-right, much of which can be linked to online pathways.
Online propaganda hubs are the new normal when it comes to how hate groups recruit and radicalize new members. These hubs include websites and forums, but are now more commonly comprised of social media platforms and chat services. The increasingly decentralized nature of online recruitment and radicalization makes the monitoring and tracking of these organizations and individuals more difficult than ever before.
This places a new importance on online companies to adopt effective policies and procedures for mitigating the threat they pose. Moderators KH Keegan Hankes. Henry Fernandez is a Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress, where he writes, researches and develops policies on civil rights, immigrant justice, the internet, elections and urban communities. Inventing techniques for massive, passive data mining and OSINT to understand extremism and hate in online spaces.
Global State of Data Protection After the entry into application of the GDPR in the European Union, we have seen that a large number of countries are either upgrading their data protection and privacy laws or considering norms for the first time. This session is an opportunity for participants to share updates on ongoing developments on data protection around the world and discuss possibilities for NGOs to support each others works, share experiences, resources and materials.
Moderators EM Estelle Masse. MB Miguel Bernal Castillero. JR Jeremy Rollison. VP Victor Prata. Article 19 is a London-based human rights organization with a specific mandate and focus on the defense and promotion of freedom of expression and freedom of information worldwide founded in Enabling Digital Civic Space: A Conversation with UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, Clement Voule This session will be an opportunity for Clement Voule, the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association to: a present his findings from his report addressing the protection and promotion of the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association in the digital era, and b invite strategic ideas from civil society and the private sector regarding how to implement recommendations to protect these fundamental freedoms.
The Emerging Science of Digital Election Observation What can we do to keep elections free and fair in the age of digitization? And how can the tech rights community get involved with election observation in their own countries and around the world? This session will serve as a fast track introduction to election monitoring for a human rights and public interest audience. Where has technology worked and has where it failed to serve the voting public during the last year?
The audience is invited to join in and throw their own ideas and solutions into the mix. She is keen on community, privacy and freedom of expression JS Joey Shea. Alp is founder of the netblocks. He works on freedom of expression online, digital transparency and policy tooling for internet governance Four months of relentless bombardment killed and injured thousands of civilians and reduced homes, businesses and infrastructure to rubble.
Amnesty and Airwars have teamed up and conducted the most comprehensive investigation into civilian deaths in a modern conflict. The investigation, collating multiple data streams, gave a brutally vivid account of more than 1, civilian lives lost as a direct result of thousands of US, UK and French air strikes and tens of thousands of US artillery strikes.
This session will showcase how a team of investigators at Amnesty and Airwars supported by thousands of digital volunteers from around the world pieced together evidence such as field investigations, satellite images, thousands of user-generated videos and social media reports in one of the most comprehensive accounts of the Raqqa war.
The panel will discuss challenges and opportunities for using multi-dimensional investigations for advocacy and change making, as well as the importance of preserving the 'digital memory' of modern conflicts that are increasingly monitored by civilians on the ground. SD Sam Dubberley. Sophie Dyer Researcher and designer, Independent. Over the last two years she has worked with the conflict monitor, Airwars, to reconcile civilian casualty allegations with belligerent reporting, via direct engagement DR Donatella Rovera. Terrorist online content regulations in Europe and beyond: changing the platform liability paradigm?
The approximate structure of the session will be the following: - Opening remarks on the most relevant legislative anti-terrorist proposals at the EU level and beyond and their contrast with international standards and most important regional liability exemption regimes. This approach will be provided by anti-terrorist expert s , using the experience of international security organizations and national law enforcement bodies. After these presentations, participants in the audience will be asked to share and discuss specific cases, experiences and approaches.
The panel aims at fostering a debate that shall combine a human rights and international standards approach together with a proper consideration of the adequate tools to effectively deal with terrorist online content, with the aim of defining best possible models. The debate will also identify global and regional tendencies aiming at transforming the general liability system applicable to online platforms, and possible actions and efforts to properly tackle these tendencies and adequately understand the impact on freedom of expression.
As a scholar, I have spoken and done extensive research in the areas of freedom of expression, freedom of information, media and platform regulation, working and collaborating with various Her experience spans over 22 years. She has been a counter extremism consultant for various Governments and Happy to talk about journalism innovation, newsrooms managing, newsrooms integration and transformation, digital first, transparency in journalism, freedom of speech The demand for in-person digital security workshops is increasing.
Many of these workshops are inspired by the CryptoParty format, which emphasizes the importance of making these gatherings public and free. These gatherings explore the fundamentals of building your own personal security framework in ways that make participants feel accompanied and supported. But are these gatherings working towards building a sustainable digital security culture? Is the focus of personal digital security neglecting systemic issues?
In this participatory and collaborative session, we want to explore best practices and challenges in organizing these kinds of events. This includes targeted and non-targeted outreach, creating safe space, how to address community agreement violations, building capacity while organizing events, and re-framing methods to focus on empowerment and agency rather than fear and intimidation. Come with stories to share and ideas that incorporate fun and joy in this work. We will edit the CryptoParty wiki for others outside this session to follow along.
Speakers KM Kyla Massey. SS Selina Slammer Musuta. MH Maggie Haughey. Lock and Key: Cybersecurity and Encryption , Meetup. You can learn more about the award, its history, and each of this year's recipients here. Amie Stepanovich U. Policy Manager, Access Now. ZN Zaituni Njovu. UR Usha Ramanathan. Bachelet is the seventh Commissioner. Bachelet was elected President of Defense Against the Dark Arts: Meme Campaigns and Propaganda In this panel and workshop, we will hear from three experts in memetics and politics. It will begin with a panel discussion amongst the participants.
Sage Cheng is the Design and UX Lead at Access Now, and she has developed countless digital media campaigns and design strategies in the context of civil society. Caroline Sinders is the author of the Pepe Archive, a web archive commissioned by Rhizome. Wafaa Heikal serves as research and communications associate at Meedan, where their software is used to analyze and catalog internet memes. The panel will then turn into a workshop, focused on creative practices for both utilizing memes and defending against memes designed to attack, distract or confuse.
Attendees with workshop a campaign and then be asked to develop a meaningful response to an attempt to attack or co-opt their campaign. The facilitators will help organize different scenarios and useful responses. Afterward, we will come together as a big group to catalog lessons learned, open questions and specific paths forward. Moderators CS Caroline Sinders. WH Wafaa Heikal Meedan. The Web Foundation has taken up that call to coordinate a range of discussions across different thematic areas — access, openness, data privacy, positive tech — to set guidelines and accountability standards for supporting better industry practices and public regulations for the digital age.
We're excited to share our progress and also want to get wider feedback on what you think it should be! We'll update you on the Contract's development and then breakout into thematic groups, led by key stakeholders drafting the Contract itself, to give you a chance to input on its development, suggest standards for inclusion in the final text, and set goals for the digital rights community to keep accountability standards high and effective to instigate meaningful change from the web we have to the web we want. Teddy is a research analyst and advocate at the Web Foundation working on digital access and inclusion.
He believes in the open web as a space for social solidarity and free expression. KC Kaja Ciglic. BC Besart Copa. JE Jamal Edwards. CG Caroline Greer. AL Adrian Lovett. Her work includes representing Google in the Global Network Initiative GNI and in various multilateral fora dealing with controversial content. Alex joined Google from The Raben According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the number of journalists jailed for their work is at the highest level since the s.
Digital technologies have brought significant social, political, and economic changes. Given the democratic value of the global information ecosystem as a shared public good, there is a renewed need to safeguard its integrity. The conference in July will explore opportunities to advance the safety of journalists and media professionals, the integrity of the evolving global information ecosystem, and media freedom as an essential element of the development agenda.
We seek to strengthen the rules-based international order, human rights, and democratic resilience by enhancing cooperation in addressing threats to media freedom, highlighting the achievements of countries taking steps to protect media freedom, and addressing disinformation while strengthening the right to freedom of opinion and expression. Public Broadcasting in the Age of Censorship Just as the rise of the global communications network in the end of the last century provided many opportunities to worldwide media organisations, the recent global decline in online freedom and the increasing sophistication of internet censorship techniques presents an unprecedented challenge to international broadcasters.
In this session, members of the Internet Freedom working group of the DG7, a group of publicly funded international media organisations, will present how they are adapting to these challenges, present bypasscensorship. The session will be structured as a fireside chat with representatives from the anti-censorship divisions of those international media organisations, as well as some members of civil society experiencing highly repressive censorship, and a censorship circumvention technology expert.
Moderators Arzu Geybullayeva Journalist, Freelance. Regional analyst, correspondent, and columnist. Main areas of interest include human rights, advocacy, press freedom, and more recently We do what we can to provide verified and impartial news and information for everyone everywhere. Part of my role is to provide technology options both within our organisation and for our audiences to exercise the right to information. LL Libby Liu. Working it out - journalism in the digital area : why we need an international pledge for Information and Democracy now more than ever Information disorder is the new normal, and a troubling sign that democracy itself is under threat.
These last few years have seen the active role played by despotic regimes in developing intricate propaganda machines which have been effective in silencing dissent, locally, nationally and in some cases, globally, while repressing freedom of expression. Around the world, press freedom predators are building a closed, censored, and tracked internet, while blocking external content.
Democracies are undermined by these attacks, the spread of disinformation and misinformation. Online harassment against journalists is used as a weapon to drown reliable journalistic reporting and intimidate dissident voices. Today, Reporters without Borders is launching an appeal to mobilize all those who are committed to defending a free and pluralistic public space, which is essential for democracy, 70 years after the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted in Paris. Working on countering online attacks against female journalists.
IA Isabel Amosse. JO Julie Owono. MM Mira Milosevic. Building on the report findings, the goal of this session will be to coordinate the collective capabilities of digital technology industry leaders and human rights professionals and social innovators to accelerate and scale up the development and application of technology enabling human rights. The workshop will be on the role digital technology can perform in protecting civil, political, and economic rights across a range of issues such as enhancing supplier accountability and empowering workers to protect their rights; addressing human trafficking; supporting traceability; protecting land rights; and bringing those that abuse human rights to justice.